I have received numerous emails regarding the sovereignty of the Chagos Islands and Diego Garcia and I deeply appreciate the time people have taken to set out their concerns and objections to the UK Government’s proposals to cede British control of the archipelago to Mauritius. Many of the concerns raised, whether strategic, economic, or environmental, are ones I share.
My constituents will be reassured to know that I have been monitoring this situation closely since the Government announced its plan last year. In my role on the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, I have consistently challenged the former Foreign Secretary and other Foreign Office ministers—both in the Chamber and in Committee—on the rationale, details, and implications of this deal. Most recently, I participated in a debate in the House of Commons, where I highlighted a range of security, economic, and environmental concerns that mirror those who have gotten in touch.
During the debate, I emphasised the importance of the operational integrity and independence of the military base on Diego Garcia, as well as the financial burden on the British taxpayer of securing a lease on territory we already own. The projected costs—ranging from £3.5 billion to upward of £35 billion, and in some estimates even £47 billion—represent a significant outlay at a time when the UK faces record national debt and domestic fiscal constraints. The point made by many about Mauritius planning to exempt 80% of its workforce from income tax and reduce its national debt with these funds further highlights the disparity.
I also raised the advisory opinion of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, stressing that while it is worthy of consideration, it carries no binding force on the UK. I questioned the need to trade a long-standing guaranteed security posture for a non-mandatory international view, and challenged assertions about spectrum rights, noting that allocation remains firmly within sovereign control.
On operational matters, I pressed the Foreign Office Minister about the requirement to “expeditiously inform” Mauritius of any military operations originating from Diego Garcia. Even post-operation notifications could constrain our ability to deploy assets freely. I also highlighted the conflict between Mauritius’s obligations under the Pelindaba Treaty—which prohibits nuclear weapons on its territory—and the operational needs of the base.
Financially, I requested clarity on how the costs of this deal would impact the Foreign Office’s budget, including funding for embassies, the British Council, and the World Service—all key instruments of British soft power.
Environmental concerns were also raised. Without a dedicated conservation fund, the world-class marine protected area around the Chagos Archipelago could be placed at risk, reliant solely on the goodwill of a government over 1,250 miles away. I also paid tribute to the Chagossian community, lamenting their exclusion from meaningful consultation and pressing for transparency regarding the Foreign Office’s contact group tasked with representing their interests.
My constituents can be assured that I will continue to press for full transparency and robust safeguards across all aspects of this agreement—strategic, legal, financial, and environmental. I remain committed to defending British sovereignty and ensuring that taxpayers’ money is spent in our national interest.
